Tory leadership: what a contender should say

In the 50s, Nicholas Monsarrat, of “Cruel Sea” fame, wrote a novel entitled “The Tribe That Lost Its Head.” That was prophetic. He might have been writing an account of the past few months in British politics. In a world beset by difficulty and danger, we have been arguing about cakes and garden parties. It is time to brush that aside and return to seriousness so that we can use the word “party” without giggling in the background. Our Party must lead that return and thereby regain the confidence of the British people. We should begin that process by reminding ourselves of our principles. The first and foremost of those is easy to proclaim: Britain. Viscount Melbourne was a Whig but when he said that being British was a very high draw in the lottery of life, he was speaking for every Tory, then and now. De Gaulle was a Frenchman who rarely either sought or received golden opinions from this side of the Channel. But when he declared that he had always been inspired by “Une certaine idee [acute] de la France,” British Tories would have understood him – for once.

We are proud of our long history, our ancient but still vibrant institutions, the Union Flag, the great Union which it symbolises, of our Parliament and our constitution. Correctly understood, a constitution is something that helps us to stand together. Other countries believe that this requires a document. But a document, written on paper, can be easy to tear up. Over the years, many have been. Ours marches on.

Above all, we venerate our Monarchy, and our privilege to have, reigning over us, one of the greatest rulers in our history. When a Tory sees the Household Cavalry riding down the Mall, with the sun glinting on their uniforms, a Union Flag flying over a neighbouring Palace, perhaps with a Royal Standard also in view, his heart is gladdened and his soul uplifted.

We Tories do not claim a monopoly of national pride. We know that there are patriots and Monarchists in other parties, albeit not always in sufficient quantities. But when we encounter such characters, it is hard to resist the impulse to persuade them that they are in the wrong party. Even if we fail, we Tories know that we are the true national party: that our great historic task is to serve our country. Our national self-confidence is unbreakable.

In that task, the glories of the parade ground must be reinforced by the hard-headedness of the counting house. We Tories are realists as well as romantics. When it comes to the economy, we know that the facts of life are conservative. We know what works.

In the next few months, we face a challenge. We need economic growth, to consolidate the recovery from Covid. But if the economy were to overheat, there would be the risk that inflation could be followed by stagflation. We will have to strike the right balance, which is also true in fiscal policy. We can agree with Gladstone that in the longer-term, money is best left to fructify in the pockets of the people, while recognising the short-term need to restrain increases in borrowing. Again, this will require a careful attention to balance.

On economics more generally, the case for the free market and free enterprise rarely commands instant popularity. Indeed, it often seems that it has to be reaffirmed in every generation. This is an intellectual argument which we cannot afford to lose. If we did, the country would suffer grievously. So we must convince voters that only free enterprise can create the resources for good jobs, rising living standards – and first-class public services.

It is natural and desirable that as a society grows richer, the demand for better education, better health care and safer streets will increase. Yet far too often, despite our own achievements in government, we Tories allowed our political enemies to put us on the wrong side of that argument. We must be more effective in using our record to rebut our opponents’ slanders.

We must also strive to enhance that record, by spreading opportunities to regions which have not always received their fair share. Margaret Thatcher used to say that popular capitalism was about the economic enfranchisement of the British people. She was right. Her inspiration should be our goal.

There is so much to do. For three-quarters of a century, NATO and the American alliance have been the bedrock of our security. So they must remain. 

Brexit has also taken on bedrock status. But there is no reason why we should not cooperate with the EU. Free trade and security cooperation are in all our interests. We have gone separate ways. That does not necessitate – still less justify – a bitter estrangement.

Hard questions must be addressed. There are huge problems to solve. Lady Thatcher would remind her fellow conservatives that: “A woman’s work is never done.” We, her heirs and successors, should paraphrase that. A party’s work is never done.

Work. In the late 60s, in the peroration to a Party Conference speech, Iain Macleod, as so often, roused the audience to its feet.

“The Liberals may dream their dreams. The Socialists may scheme their schemes (pause). We have work to do.”

So we do, Ladies and Gentlemen, so we do.